Photo: Staff Sgt. Jason Robertson/DOD Photo
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HELP IS ON THE WAY: The Pentagon plans to send thousands of
mine-resistant ambush-protected vehicles to Iraq
in the coming year. But MRAP supply is lagging
far behind demand.
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Kenney also wonders how much a budding guerrilla can
learn by simply reading. “Building bombs with your bare
hands is still the best way to learn how to build
bombs,” he says. “Shooting a firearm over and over is
the best way to become a sharpshooter. These are skills
that cannot really be learned from recipes that you
download through the Internet.… The reason Iraq has
proven to be such a rich learning environment for
insurgents has more to do with practical, on-the-ground
opportunities for learning that the fighting provides.”
Nevertheless, he agrees with Jackson that terrorist
groups are proving to be fast learners. They're able to
change their activities in response to practical
experience and technical information, store this
knowledge in practices and procedures, and select and
retain routines that produce satisfactory results. As
they gain experience, their learning cycles will only
continue to shorten.
All the bomb-building advice in the world would be
meaningless, of course, if the materials to build those
bombs weren't also easy to come by. But they are, and
terrorist groups are proving adept at using commercial,
off-the-shelf technology to create effective and
low-cost weapons systems.
A good example is last year's plot to smuggle common
chemicals on board commercial flights using drink
containers. The chemicals would then be mixed together
to form explosives, which if detonated by a small charge
from, say, a few modified AA batteries, could be
powerful enough to bring down the aircraft.
“As the war winds down, the forces of
standardization will reassert themselves. That’s likely
to kill many of the innovations now in use on the battlefield.”
Here again, information technology plays a crucial
role. Fast and efficient worldwide distribution channels
set up by the likes of Wal-Mart and Federal Express
greatly simplify the acquisition of requisite
components. Free from the administrative burdens of
maintaining their own infrastructure, terrorist groups
can spend the majority of their time on how best to
achieve their collective vision.
The conflict in
Iraq has become a test bed for open-source
war, and the insurgents' weapon of choice is the IED.
Since the beginning of the war, insurgents have rapidly
improved their ability to create, deploy, and detonate
IEDs. They've moved from simple makeshift
explosives—old artillery shells or fertilizer—to
shaped charges that can penetrate heavy armor plate and
to buried explosives that can destroy a 61‑metric-ton
Abrams tank. In one favored mode of attack, insurgents
detonate an IED beneath a military convoy vehicle, then
follow up with a barrage of rocket-propelled grenades
and rifle fire.
Even as coalition troops have become proficient at
identifying roadside bombs, insurgents have shifted to
using IEDs to booby-trap houses. “Nothing they're doing
is going to win any prizes from the Department of
Defense for high tech, but the stuff is deadly,” says
Lawrence Husick, a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy
Research Institute, in Philadelphia. “They're using a
huge variety of cheaply available stuff.” One recent
innovation is IED detonators made from battery-powered
doorbells. The doorbells consist of crude 400-kilohertz
transmitters and receivers. “They're sloppy as hell, but
they are really hard to jam,” Husick says.
That unconventional style of mine warfare is something
coalition forces clearly didn't anticipate, and response
has been slow. Earlier this year, for instance, the
Pentagon decided to spend $25 billion on mine-resistant
ambush-protected (MRAP) armored vehicles, whose V-shaped
hulls and raised chassis make them better than armored
Humvees at fending off bomb blasts [see photo, “Help Is
on the Way”]. The price tag includes $750 million to
airlift the 12-metric-ton vehicles to Iraq, instead of
sending them by ship. In August, though, the Pentagon
scaled back its schedule, saying only 1500 of the
planned 3900 vehicles would be delivered by year's end.
It's a race against time. As happened first to
unarmored Humvees and then to armored Humvees,
insurgents have made destroying MRAP vehicles a high
priority—a “trophy kill,” as some observers call it.
MRAP designs are already reportedly being rethought to
deal with emerging insurgent tactics.
You might think that the lag time was due to
bureaucratic screwups, but in fact, that's just how long
the bureaucracy takes to respond. Marine commanders in
Iraq first requested MRAP vehicles in May 2006.
Acquisition officials reviewed the request and
ultimately approved it late in the year. By April, five
suppliers had demonstrated they could meet survivability
requirements, production numbers, and delivery
timelines, and they were then awarded contracts. But
ramping up production doesn't happen overnight. Before
MRAP vehicles became a high priority, the sole
manufacturer, Force Protection, in Ladson, S.C., was
making only about five per month.