Reprocessing got its start in the early 1940s, when
Manhattan Project scientists sought a way to isolate
pure plutonium. According to Richard Rhodes, author of
The Making of the Atomic Bomb (Simon & Schuster,
1986), the chemist Glenn Seaborg, the discoverer of
plutonium, came up with the basic concept. A carrier
molecule grabs onto plutonium that’s in a particular
chemical state. That allows the carrier and the
plutonium to be separated from the rest of the spent
fuel. Further chemistry releases the carrier, leaving a
solution of nearly pure plutonium.
It was a risky endeavor from the start because of the
volatile, intensely radioactive materials involved. When
it was scaled up at the Hanford Nuclear Reservation in
Washington state to obtain the quantities of plutonium
needed for bombs, immense concrete bunkers were built to
house the operations [see “The Atomic Fortress That Time
Forgot,” IEEE Spectrum, April 2006]. The workers called
them Queen Marys, after the British ocean liner, the
world’s biggest at the time. Inside, all the processing
steps were done entirely by remote control, with
technicians peering through thick windows at the
machinery that moved materials through the chemical
tanks. It was all part of what Bertrand Goldschmidt, an
eminent French chemist who worked with Seaborg, called
“the astonishing American creation in three years”—a
network of laboratories and factories equivalent in size
to the whole U.S. auto industry.
France’s Commissariat à l’Énergie Atomique (CEA), a
government organization, commissioned its first
reprocessing plant in 1958 at Marcoule, in the south, to
supply weapons-grade plutonium for the country’s nascent
atomic bomb program. It added an initial reprocessing
unit at La Hague for the same purpose in the early
1960s. The equipment running today, however, dates
mostly to a massive upgrade and expansion begun in the
1970s and 1980s. France cut a deal with five
countries—Belgium, Germany, Japan, the Netherlands, and
Switzerland—to finance the modernization of La Hague.
In exchange, France agreed to reprocess those countries’
spent fuel and return their separated plutonium, so as
to reduce high-level waste volumes and provide
additional fresh nuclear fuel. Today, the Areva Group, a
spin-off of the CEA, runs La Hague as well as other
French fuel-cycle installations and builds reactors via
a subsidiary it co-owns with Siemens.
Even some of the nuclear industry’s most tenacious
opponents acknowledge that the result is a technical
marvel. The leader of Greenpeace France’s antinuclear
program, Yannick Rousselet, says he no longer cites
technical challenges in his criticism of Areva. “In the
past,” Rousselet says, “the antinuclear movement tried
to say that they would not succeed with reprocessing.
But they succeeded. To be honest, at least in terms of
the technical aspects, it works.”
Activists such as Rousselet had reason to doubt La
Hague’s chemistry, essentially the same as the
separation process developed by the Manhattan Project.
It has proved an ecological, occupational, and
humanitarian disaster nearly everywhere else. Spills and
explosions at reprocessing plants in the United States,
Russia, and Britain have polluted rivers and
contaminated hundreds of thousands of acres. Britain’s
Sellafield reprocessing complex, on England’s Cumbrian
coast, was shuttered in April 2005 after safety
authorities discovered that 83 cubic meters of highly
radioactive liquids had spilled during a period of nine months.
La Hague, in contrast, has never had a serious
accident or spill. It does intentionally release
relatively small amounts of radioactive substances into
the air and water of the adjacent English Channel, whose
strong currents were a key attraction of the La Hague
site—behavior that Rousselet calls irresponsible and
unwarranted. But the amounts released are below licensed
levels and are dropping.
Eric Blanc, the marine engineer turned chemical plant
operator who serves as La Hague’s deputy director, tells
the growing stream of visiting U.S. politicos and
utility executives that La Hague’s neighbors experience
an annual radiation dose below 0.02
millisieverts—roughly equivalent to the dose of solar
radiation the visitors receive on their transatlantic
flights. La Hague’s 5000 workers absorb less radiation
than they would if they were employed at a nuclear power plant.