On 18 February, the Union of Concerned Scientists
(UCS)—an advocacy organization headquartered in
Cambridge, Mass.—issued a report denouncing the U.S.
government for misrepresenting science and scientific
opinion on issues from air pollution and climate change
to drug evaluation and military intelligence. The
report, titled "Scientific Integrity in Policy-making,"
and a statement accompanying its release, signed by 60
Nobel laureates, said that "when scientific knowledge
has been found to be in conflict with its political
goals, the administration has often manipulated the
process through which science enters into its
decisions."
Photo: KPT
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Dual Purpose?: This photograph of high-grade
aluminum tubes was used by Secretary of State
Colin Powell in an address to
the United Nations to support
his argument that Iraq had an active nuclear
weapons program. It turns out
that government scientists had
disputed that claim, with support from Powell's
own intelligence office.
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UCS chair Kurt Gottfried, an emeritus professor of
physics at Cornell University, in Ithaca, N.Y., says
that the Bush administration has "undermined the quality
of the scientific advisory system and the morale of the
government's outstanding scientific personnel."
Gottfried has been a well-known participant in policy
debates since the storm over President Ronald Reagan's
Star Wars program, of which UCS was prominent in its
criticism and opposition.
In a widely quoted rebuttal of UCS's report, the
president's science adviser, John H. Marburger III,
referred to the episodes documented as essentially
disconnected, amounting to normal bureaucratic
disagreements and not adding up to a pattern of
distortion. Naturally, Gottfried disputed that,
insisting that the evidence formed what he as a
scientist would see as a pattern in any other context.
He told IEEE
Spectrum that it is "significant, widespread,
and new" and much more striking than anything comparable
seen "in any previous administration."
Whether or not one chooses to see irregularities, and
whether one regards UCS as an organization expressing
merely the opinion of some scientists, the incidents
documented in the report are indisputably disturbing and
serious, bearing as they do on issues of the very
highest policy import. In climate science, for example,
the administration asked the U.S. National Academy of
Sciences to review work by the Intergovernmental Panel
on Climate Change, the global organization of scientists
that meets regularly to reach scientific consensus on
global warming. Yet, after the academy's review
reaffirmed the opinion that human activity was playing a
role in climate change—and did so with support from
major scientific organizations, such as the American
Geophysical Union, in Washington, D.C.the U.S.
government excised that conclusion from official reports
and statements of policy.
In September 2002 and again in June 2003, the U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency removed entire sections
of reports rather than modifying language along lines
the administration wanted. An internal EPA memo of 29
April 2003 is reproduced in an appendix to the UCS
report; in it, the author tells the head of the EPA that
it might be advisable to delete the climate section of
the June environmental report rather than risk a
confrontation with the White House, which the EPA
inevitably would lose.
An equally serious incident is described in which
Iraq's Saddam Hussein was accused of importing aluminum
tubes to use in the manufacture of uranium enrichment
centrifuges. This charge was repeated many times by the
president and administration in the months leading up to
the war against Iraq, and was echoed in all the
mainstream press, including this magazine [see photo,
"Dual Purpose?"].
UCS found that scientists at three national
laboratories—Oak Ridge, Los Alamos, and Lawrence
Livermore—had taken issue with the U.S. Central
Intelligence Agency's conclusions about the tubes. The
laboratory scientists pointed out that the
specifications for the tubes indicated that they would
much more likely be used for rocket casings, that Iraq
had, in fact, previously imported tubes with identical
specs for just that purpose, and that there was no
evidence of Iraq's importing the hundreds of other items
that would be needed to make centrifuges.
Despite the scientists' concerns, the administration
continued to repeat the centrifuge argument, dismissing
an evaluation done by a U.S. Department of State
intelligence unit that supported the laboratory
scientists. UCS pointed out that in the speech at the
United Nations in which Secretary of State Colin Powell
made the case for war, he took note of the dissenting
opinion but lumped the laboratory scientists with Iraq,
as if they were mere parrots for Saddam. ("Other
experts, and the Iraqis themselves, argue...," he said.)
Gregory Thielmann, a retired U.S. Foreign Service
officer who headed the State Department intelligence
unit, confirms the accuracy of the UCS report. "Senior
officials in the U.S. government misrepresented the
evidence on the aluminum tubes," he told Spectrum, and ignored
a growing consensus within U.S. intelligence that the
tubes were not suitable for centrifuges. Further, Powell
misrepresented technical arguments in his UN report,
ignoring new evidence.